Not just sparrows, but many serious reports from security authorities and media whistling from the roof: Europe is in the midst of a large influx of new refugees from the Middle East, as last seen in late summer 2015 and winter 200115/2016. The number of refugees currently being held at the Hungarian border via the Balkan route, possibly with Russian assistance, is alarming. In 2022 there are 182,000 refugees so far. Maybe all with German goals.

What Erdogan can expect from Germany and the European Union in an exaggerated way by opening the floodgates of refugees is anyone’s guess, but it is a realistic prospect. This is about three and a half million people who – mainly financed by Germany and the European Union – live in Turkish camps.

In addition, the number of people living or living in Germany has now increased by 843,000 compared to the end of 2021 to a total of over 84 million due to immigration – not least into the German social and health care system. In 1992 700,000 people came, in 2015 978,000, in 2021 “only” 82,000.

Most of the “migrants” (Merkel’s jargon) do not do jobs that are subject to social security contributions, so they must be supported by social security funds. We also know that Germany’s asylum law has now become a joke. There are almost no returns, although about 90 percent of asylum applications cannot be justified according to conventional criteria.

Heil announces new immigration law

Ampel wants to increase “eligible immigration” without professional qualifications and training

And now Federal Secretary of the Interior Nancy Faeser wants to liberalize residency rights. This liberalization has not gone far enough for the hard-line left in their party. Not surprisingly: the SPD parliamentary group now consists of a quarter of young socialists (Jusos). They accepted Faeser’s suggestion that the more than 135,000 tolerable people should be given “future prospects” for the first time with the opportunity to stay.

The so-called right of residence – a central migration policy concern of coalition agreements – is essentially about giving foreigners who have been in the country since the 2015/2016 refugee crisis but have not received asylum or other rights of residence perspective. There are now about 250,000 of these “tolerated” people, and about half have been here for more than five years. They actually had to leave the country, but due to various obstacles they could not be deported.

Chief Juso Jessica Rosenthal wants improvement. He essentially questions the lock date rule: “A one-time lock date denies many tolerated people the opportunity to have the right to stay and is the opposite of lasting change.” In general, Jusos wants “the beginning of a new migration of rules”. Literally: “Therefore, the Asylum Seeker Benefits Act should be abolished without replacement.” Instead, all asylum seekers must receive social benefits under the Social Security Code.

Civey online survey before 7 October

Survey: Majority are dissatisfied with immigrant integration

Helge Lindh, rapporteur in charge of the parliamentary group SPD, also saw “needs adjustment” in Faeser’s plan. He questioned the January 1, 2022 deadline and argued that the law was a long time coming… The people in Duldung have not been able to exercise the rights they were promised at the end – for example the day the law came into effect. This would pave the way for a large group of tolerated people to official residence.

Following the latest federal conference, the board of directors of the SPD working group on migration and diversity also criticized that the bill “unfortunately breathed too much into the spirit of previous home management under the leadership of the Union”. In the application unanimously approved by the working group, which has good links with the migrant lobby, it said: “We hope that the SPD leadership in the Federal Ministry of the Interior will restructure structures and personnel in such a way that the social awakening coalition has promised not to be chained. ” Because the secretary of state and department heads will slow down the traffic light agenda as “Seehofer’s leftover time”. Regarding the Ministerial Bill, it was said that it was seen as “the first approach that still needs to be significantly adjusted by the DPR”.