Among Chinese President Xi Jinping's (習近平) many diplomatic initiatives is his aspiration to position China as a leader of the Global South, a goal that places China in direct competition with India. Many countries in the South have welcomed investment and trade from China, but their feelings toward China and the United States are not very favorable, viewing them as authoritarian partners.

In contrast, under the leadership of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India is offering a less domineering approach. Rather, it shows a willingness to listen to shared grievances and a commitment to diversifying and influencing global politics.

One of Xi's qualifications for the role of South Korean leader is that he leads the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which includes at least 150 countries, including most of the South.

On Modi's list of credentials is India's presidency of the G20. His leadership of the G20 summit in New Delhi, attended by more than 100 developing countries, was praised. In contrast, the BRI has been the target of criticism for its Beijing-centric nature and the disproportionate benefits derived from the BRI.

India has not only refused to join the BRI but has also criticized it. Italy, the most advanced member of the BRI, officially withdrew and many members, including developing countries, stopped accepting loans or rejected BRI projects.

Hamas' attacks on Israel have tested the global leadership of both countries. Soon after the attack, India issued a statement supporting Israel. In contrast, China refused to condemn the attack and later condemned Israel's retaliation. Therefore, the Middle East is a region where China is starting to gain influence.

Beijing normalized ties with the Palestine Liberation Organization by signing a strategic partnership in June.

Even before Hamas attacked Israel, Beijing was already moving closer to the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. Since the attack, Xi has criticized US support for Israel, a stance intended to make China more popular among Muslim leaders.

China's aggressive stance towards Taiwan has made a number of countries, including India, nervous, sparking fears of war with China. Additionally, China's aggression in the South China Sea has prompted countries such as Vietnam and the Philippines to strengthen their defense ties with India and the United States. New Delhi is also increasing defense cooperation with Thailand and Japan.

India's defense engagement with Japan focuses on building resilience against China in the East and South China Seas. Working with Japan, Australia and other allies, India is stepping up maritime security initiatives aimed at countering China's militarization of disputed areas, as well as preventing exploitation of China's resources in the Peace.

ASEAN is the largest grouping of developing countries and, therefore, crucial to China's leadership, but China's militarization has brought these countries closer to India. Last year marked India's first ASEAN maritime exercise, which ended successfully in the South China Sea.

As India advances, China also advances in its territory, and uses force when necessary. Last year, China pressured Bhutan to forge an exclusive border deal, potentially creating leverage against India in the event of a strategic setback on the disputed Doklam plateau.

By the end of the year, satellite imagery revealed that China occupied Bhutanese territory in the Jakarlung Valley, part of the Beyul Khenpajong region. Beijing has also urged Bhutan to establish formal ties with China, breaking with Bhutan's longstanding policy of not establishing relations with permanent members of the UN Security Council.

Historically, Bhutan has allowed India to act as an intermediary in its relations with the United States, and India has also served as a security guarantor for this small country. Therefore, Bhutan could become another point of direct conflict between New Delhi and Beijing, as Chinese People's Liberation Army troops have been deployed in the annexed territories and Bhutanese citizens are prohibited from entering.

Given its proximity to the borders of Bhutan, China and India, the Jakarlung Valley is a critical area.

As India's geopolitical importance increases, India receives invitations to join or lead international organizations and groups. India, along with the United States, was the only external party invited to participate in the Pacific Leaders Summit, which was attended by more than 18 Pacific countries and territories. This invitation is important because the United States and India are members of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, which aims to secure the Indo-Pacific region in response to Chinese influence.

The United States used to be closer to Pakistan than to India, but Washington's shift in focus is evident in its varying degrees of engagement with the two South Asian countries. The White House has refrained from confronting India over human rights violations in Kashmir and increasing state repression in the country. In contrast, US President Joe Biden invited Modi to a community meeting in Houston, Texas, in April last year.

An important example of the different nature of Washington's engagement with the two South Asian countries is evident in the official Independence Day greetings issued by the United States. The message to India was delivered directly by Biden, reaffirming their shared commitment to advancing global peace and security. In contrast, communications to Pakistan came from US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who focused only on areas such as student exchanges, and ignored defense-related aspects.

As Pakistan increasingly aligns itself with Beijing, China has benefited from Islamabad's shift in allegiance. Pakistan, burdened with huge debts to Beijing, is increasingly dependent on its relations with China.

Apart from economic support from China, the two countries are also strengthening defense cooperation.

Southern countries are at a crossroads, forced to choose between aligning with China or India to assume leadership. China presents itself as an anti-colonial alternative to the West, acceptable to certain countries.

However, critics argue that countries that choose China could trade their colonial influence for Beijing's real economic dominance.

However, Beijing's advantage lies in its ability to provide large amounts of economic aid, trade and investment, which India cannot match.

On the other hand, countries looking for mediators for negotiations with developed countries may turn to New Delhi. Although still outside the American sphere, India has better relations with the United States and Western countries than with China.

China's aggressive foreign policy is causing increasing divisions with the United States, the European Union, and the G7, further alienating China's allies from the Western bloc. On the other hand, choosing India is a relatively friendly decision and does not mean distancing oneself from the West.

Antonio Graceffo, a China economic analyst with a China MBA from Shanghai Jiaotong University, studied national defense at American Military University in West Virginia.